Author Archive

Study: Nissan’s Mississippi Subsidies Top $1.3 billion

May 17, 2013

Good Jobs First has just published a report (commissioned by the UAW) showing that the subsidies provided to Nissan by state and local governments in Mississippi amount to more than $1.3 billion–far more than has been previously reported. 

The report can be found on our website: A Good Deal for Mississippi?

Here’s an excerpt:

Over the past decade Nissan has created thousands of manufacturing jobs in Mississippi. While the Japanese automaker has spent considerable amounts of its own money, it has also received huge amounts of financial assistance from taxpayers at the local and state levels.

In this report we document the many varieties of economic development subsidies the company has been offered, among them corporate income tax credits, rebates of withholding taxes, site preparation and infrastructure grants, training grants, and property tax abatements. In all, the value of the state and local subsidies offered to the company in Mississippi is some $1.3 billion, considerably more than has been reported.

The Advantage Jobs payments offered to Nissan in Mississippi are part of a controversial category of subsidies in which an employer gets a rebate of a portion of the state withholding taxes deducted from the paychecks of workers. In an April 2012 Good Jobs First report entitled Paying Taxes to the Boss, we found that the 25-year, $160 million Advantage Jobs deal granted to Nissan was the largest withholding tax subsidy ever awarded.

Aside from the total amounts, the Nissan subsidies raise other issues. Mississippi legislators approved subsidies based on an overly optimistic cost-benefit analysis commissioned by the state’s development officials. Our report does not provide a full-blown alternative analysis, but it is clear to us that legislators were not given the complete picture on how much would end up going to Nissan.

Although they approved a package valued at $295 million, the real cost of the tax subsidies included in the deal made it worth hundreds of millions more. According to publicly available sources, the number of jobs created at the Nissan plant in Madison County has hovered around 4,500. With Nissan eligible for an estimated at $1.3 billion in assistance over the term of the subsidy programs, Mississippi taxpayers may end up paying around $290,000 per job.

Unfortunately, many of those jobs are not regular Nissan payroll positions. The figures from the state auditor show that around 20 percent are temps. In 2012, temporary employees started work at only about $12 an hour. Taxpayers have paid premium amounts for jobs that in many cases are far from premium. This, along with the fiscal difficulties we document in the community where the plant is located, suggests that the Nissan investments in Mississippi have provided a lot less net economic benefit than the company and public officials have claimed.

A Tale of Two States (and Subsidy Transparency)

March 15, 2013

Florida and Mississippi may come close to sharing a border, but they are worlds apart in their current approach to the disclosure of economic development subsidies.

Florida has just launched an Economic Development Incentives Portal that makes it easy to discover which companies have benefited from programs such as the Quick Action Closing Fund, the Qualified Target Industry Tax Refund and the High Impact Performance Incentive.

Online subsidy disclosure is not completely new to Florida. An agency called the Governor’s Office of Tourism, Trade and Economic Development used to post a PDF list of recipients for various programs. After Rick Scott took office as governor in 2011, that agency was put under the auspices of the new Department of Economic Opportunity, and the old disclosure site disappeared. DEO promised to restore transparency and has now made good on that promise.

The new portal, produced by DEO in partnership with Enterprise Florida, covers a dozen programs with a total of about 1,250 entries, including “every non-confidential incentive project with an executed contract since 1996 that received or is on schedule to receive payments from the state of Florida.” DEO promises to add listings for confidential projects as their exemptions from disclosure requirements expire.

Searches can be targeted according to business name, county or date range. The results show company name, industry, subsidy value, county, approval date and project status. They also include both committed and actual numbers for jobs and investment, though in many cases the performance figures are listed as not available. The portal also includes projects that are inactive or have been terminated.

Florida’s portal is an important advance for subsidy transparency. The site would be even more useful if it included street addresses for the subsidized facilities (to facilitate mapping) and allowed downloading of search results in spreadsheet form.  At my request, DEO sent such a spreadsheet for the entire database, which I used both to prepare this piece and to upload the information to Subsidy Tracker.

Mississippi, on the other hand, is resisting online disclosure. The state legislature recently killed a bill that would have required the Mississippi Development Authority to publish an annual report on the tax credits, loans and grants it provides to companies in the name of economic development.

It turns out that the agency produced such a report for internal purposes but did not make it public. A group called the Bigger Pie Forum learned about the document—the 2012 Mississippi Incentives Report—and filed a successful freedom of information act request. Bigger Pie was only able to get a hard copy, but it scanned the report and has posted it online here. The info in that report has also been added to Subsidy Tracker.

Despite the reluctance of state legislators, online subsidy disclosure has come to Mississippi. Perhaps the Magnolia State will realize the futility of resisting official transparency and join the Sunshine State, among about 45 others, in making subsidy information directly available to the public via the web.

Who Doesn’t Pay

January 30, 2013

At Good Jobs First we tend to focus on the ways that corporations get special tax deals from state governments, so it is helpful to be reminded that wealthy individuals also pay far less than their fair share. A definitive statement of this whopaysfact has just been published by our friends at the Institute on Taxation & Economic Policy in the latest edition of their report Who Pays.

The injustice of state taxation is summed up in the main finding of the report: “virtually every state’s tax system is fundamentally unfair, taking a much greater share of middle- and low-income families than from wealthy families.”

At a time when a number of red states are talking about replacing their personal income tax (PIT) systems with higher sales taxes, ITEP points out that the over reliance on consumption taxes (along with the absence of a graduated PIT) is a big part of the regressivity problem in many states.

ITEP notes that five of most regressive states—Washington, Florida, South Dakota, Illinois and Texas—derive half to two thirds of their revenue from sales and excise taxes, compared to a national average of about one third. The least regressive systems, by the way, are those in Delaware, the District of Columbia, New York, Oregon and Vermont.

Although the report does not focus on the corporate portion of state income taxes, it points out: “More than ten states gave away big breaks to profitable corporations either through rate cuts, a change in the apportionment formula used to calculate the corporate income tax, expanded exclusions, or the reduction or elimination of personal property taxes. These states include Arizona, Alabama, Florida, Idaho, Louisiana, Michigan, Missouri, North Dakota, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.”

Summing Subsidies

December 6, 2012

detectiveMy colleagues and I at Good Jobs First were excited at the publication of the New York Times series on the “United States of Subsidies,” since it brings a great deal of attention to a problem — corporate abuse of economic development assistance — that we have been working on for more than a decade.

We were also pleased to see the online database that the Times posted to go along with the articles. We had provided a copy of the master spreadsheet for our Subsidy Tracker database to Louise Story, the author of the series, and she made extensive use of it. Although the Times obtained some information from other sources, it appears that about 98 percent of their company-specific listings come from Subsidy Tracker. (SEE UPDATE BELOW.)

Now that we have had a few days to examine the Times database, we see that there are some flaws in the way the paper used our data.

First, a few words on Subsidy Tracker. In recent years, a growing number of states began to put company-specific information on at least some of their economic development awards—grants, tax credits, tax abatements, etc.—online. This was often in response to the subsidy accountability movement that we and our allies have built.

The problem was that these disclosures usually happened via hard-to-find reports and web pages that were often difficult to search even when you did locate them. Good Jobs First decided to collect all these disclosures and combine them into one national search tool. We introduced Subsidy Tracker in December 2010 with 43,000 listings from 124 subsidy programs in 27 states.

Over the following two years, we have expanded that to the current total of 247,000 listings from 409 programs in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. That expansion was not due entirely to wider official online transparency. Using open records requests, we also obtained unpublished data on scores of additional programs (the total is currently 89). By posting this information to Subsidy Tracker, we became, in effect, the original online disclosure source for these programs.

In recent months we’ve begun applying this approach to city and county subsidy programs, which are far behind their state counterparts in terms of online disclosure.

Despite all this effort, we recognized that we still could not claim to have captured anywhere near all the subsidy awards that have been made across the country. Not only did we still lack many programs, we also have irregular numbers of years of data among programs.  That’s why we have not yet built into Subsidy Tracker a feature that enables instant aggregation of all the awards going to a particular company.

Along with the remaining gaps in the data, there is much that needs to be done with regard to the listings we do have to allow accurate aggregation. This includes the standardization of the variations in company names in our source materials, linking of parent and subsidiary companies, and accounting for mergers and acquisitions. There’s also the problem that some states report subsidy amounts for single years and others for multiple ones. These challenges are all part of our future work plan.

After getting our raw data, the Times did not consult with us on exactly how it would be used. We thus had no opportunity to warn the paper against the perils of aggregation. Specifically, we were not aware of the paper’s plans to create what it calls its $100 Million Club.

It is with this listing that the pitfalls in the Times approach become most apparent. The companies that receive the largest subsidies often get them in the form of packages negotiated with state and local officials. These packages usually consist of awards from various programs and may also involve project-specific awards outside established programs. Some of these pieces of packages are not included in state disclosure channels. It is part of our plan to research packages through other means and add them to Subsidy Tracker as a separate category. We’ve already begun the process in the Key Deals section of the state pages of the Accountable USA section of the Good Jobs First website.

The Times supplemented the roughly 154,000 entries it took from Subsidy Tracker with about 2,000 listings the paper obtained on its own or from an expensive subscription service produced by a company called Investment Consulting Associates. This enabled the inclusion of entries that were gleaned from press releases but had not yet been reported in the official program lists we rely on for Subsidy Tracker.

Yet the $100 Million Club still ends up with numerous instances in which the totals understate the true amount the big subsidy grabbers have received.

For example, the Times lists a total of $338 million for Boeing, including $218 from South Carolina. Yet it has been estimated that the package Boeing got by locating a new Dreamliner assembly line in the Charleston area could be worth some $900 million.

Apple is said to have received a total of $119 million, yet the Times fails to include more than $60 million in subsidies the company got for a data center in North Carolina.

The Times $100 Million Club also misses some major recipients entirely, including Volkswagen, which got more than $500 million in connection with an assembly plant in Tennessee, and ThyssenKrupp, which got more than $1 billion in subsidies for a steel mill in Alabama.

And these only include deals dating back to 2007, which is the period the Times used in compiling its $100 Million Club. The larger Times database seriously understates the size of major deals that took place earlier. For example, it lists only $19.3 million for GlobalFoundries in New York State, even though the company took over a $1.2 billion deal originally offered to Advanced Micro Devices (which isn’t listed at all).

We applaud the Times for the great reporting that went into its United States of Subsidies articles, but the paper fell short when it came to the compilations featured in its database. Good Jobs First will continue to build our Subsidy Tracker tool and in the future will create what we hope will be a more accurate and complete version of a $100 Million Club.

(reposted from the Dirt Diggers Digest)

UPDATE

After this blog was posted, Louise Story contacted us with some concerns. She confirmed that 98 percent of the entries (a total of 152,729) in the Times database came from Subsidy Tracker, but she says the number of entries that came from other sources was actually 3,844 rather than the 2,000 we estimated. She added that in dollar terms, a subject we did not address in the blog, Tracker entries account for 67.3 percent of the total in the Times database. However, we cannot verify that number because the Times has not given us its underlying spreadsheet.

Story also believes that the blog should have mentioned the fact that she contacted me several weeks ago to say that the articles and database would be published soon and in effect told me about her aggregation plans. She did indeed contact me but gave the impression that her work was completed, meaning that an effort to suggest any changes in methodology would have been moot at that point.

Good Jobs First’s Subsidy Tracker Used in New York Times Reportage

December 2, 2012

Good Jobs First’s Subsidy Tracker Used in New York Times Reportage

Washington, DC, December 2, 2012—The database created by the New York Times to accompany its new series on economic development incentives draws heavily from Good Jobs First’s Subsidy Tracker search tool launched in 2010.

“We worked closely with the Times and are pleased to have contributed what appears to be a large majority of the company-specific information the paper used for its excellent online feature,” said Philip Mattera, Research Director of Good Jobs First and creator of Subsidy Tracker, which can be found at http://www.goodjobsfirst.org/subsidy-tracker

“Subsidy Tracker has become the best-practice standard for states to disclose their economic development spending,” said Good Jobs First executive director Greg LeRoy. “States as politically diverse as Tennessee and Maryland have publicly acknowledged our technical assistance in launching or improving their disclosure websites. We also know that high-level officials in more than 30 states have responded to our 50-state report-card studies on transparency, job creation and enforcement.”

In the Times’ methodology page and every search display page, the main sources of company data listed are Good Jobs First’s Subsidy Tracker Database and Investment Consulting Associates. The latter is an expensive subscription service covering fewer than 5,000 U.S. deals going back only to 2010, while Subsidy Tracker is free, has nearly 250,000 entries with some programs covered back more than a decade, and spans more than 400 programs in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Subsidy Tracker also incorporates information from the Good Jobs New York database, which has more detailed entries on subsidies awarded in New York City.

Subsidy Tracker’s company-specific coverage also goes far beyond that of the Times’ database, which is limited to recipients of total subsidies in excess of $1 million. And whereas the Times aggregates the awards larger recipients received in each state into a single figure, Subsidy Tracker provides details on all the individual awards, including links back to official data sources and, when available, figures on the number of jobs and wage levels projected and/or created with each subsidy. When disclosed, Subsidy Tracker also provides project street addresses, enabling users to map and analyze the geographic distribution of the awards.

Much of the data in Subsidy Tracker first existed in far-flung sources and formats that were neither retrievable nor searchable. Much data had to be captured by customized software “scraping” programs.

Subsidy Tracker also contains previously unpublished data Good Jobs First obtained from state and local government agencies via open records requests. “Posting this unpublished data makes Subsidy Tracker, in effect, the original disclosure source for dozens of subsidy programs,” Mattera said. “We are continuing our effort to expand this portion of Subsidy Tracker’s inventory, especially with regard to city and county programs, which are far behind their state counterparts in terms of online availability.”

Good Jobs First is a non-profit, non-partisan partisan resource promoting accountability in economic development and smart growth for working families. It was founded in 1998 and is based in Washington, DC.

 -30-

Study: ALEC’s Jobs Advice Fails States

November 28, 2012

Image

Washington, DC—A new study finds that state tax and regulatory policies recommended by the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) fail to promote stronger job creation or income growth, and actually predict a worse performance.

Since ALEC first published its annual Rich States, Poor States study with its Economic Outlook Ranking in 2007, states that were rated better have actually done worse economically.

Those are the key findings of “Selling Snake Oil to the States,” a study published today by Good Jobs First and the Iowa Policy Project and freely available online at http://www.goodjobsfirst.org/snakeoiltothestates.  It was released at a press conference the same week ALEC holds its annual fall meeting in Washington, DC. 

“We tested ALEC’s claims against actual economic results,” said Dr. Peter Fisher, primary author of the study. “We conclude that eliminating progressive taxes, suppressing wages, and cutting public services are actually a recipe for economic inequality, declining incomes, and undermining public infrastructure and education that really matter for long-term economic growth.”

The study dissects the methodology used by ALEC’s lead author Arthur Laffer and his co-authors. It finds that their arguments and evidence range from deeply flawed to nonexistent, consistently ignoring decades of peer-reviewed academic research. Instead, Laffer et al repeatedly engage in methodologically primitive approaches such as two-factor correlations and comparing arbitrary small numbers of states instead of all 50.

The study finds that the composition of a state’s economy—whether it has disproportionate shares of high-growth or low-growth industries—was a far better predictor of a state’s relative success over the past five years.

“State corporate income taxes average less than one-fifth of one percent of the average company’s costs.” said Fisher. “The ALEC/Laffer studies would have state leaders ignore site-location basics and disinvest public goods that benefit all employers.”

Good Jobs First is a non-profit, non-partisan partisan resource promoting accountability in economic development and smart growth for working families. It was founded in 1998 and is based in Washington, DC. The Iowa Policy Project is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization promoting public policy that fosters economic opportunity while safeguarding the health and well-being of Iowa’s people and environment. It was formed in 2001 and is based in Iowa City.

 -30-

Tracker Surpasses 400 Programs As It Captures More Local Data

November 19, 2012

The Good Jobs First Subsidy Tracker database reached a new milestone as the number of programs from which it draws information passed 400. Tracker now has more than 247,000 entries from 409 programs in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

Most of the latest additions are the results of our effort to obtain data from cities and counties. Given that localities are far behind states in putting subsidy information online, most of what we gather is unpublished information obtained via informal and formal open records requests to economic development agencies.

The localities for which we have just added such information are: Albuquerque, Baltimore; Kansas City, Missouri; Columbus, Ohio, Grand Rapids, Michigan; Janesville, Wisconsin; and Bloomington, Indiana.

We also got unpublished data on Alaska’s Oil and Gas Production Tax Credits and Louisiana’s Gulf Opportunity Zone bond program. The latter is technically a federal program, but the bond allocations are made by the Louisiana State Bond Commission.

Here’s a complete list of the recent additions:

  • Alaska: Oil and Gas Production Tax Credits (2009-2010)
  • Indiana: Bloomington Sustainable Partnership Grant (2009-2011)
  • Indiana: Bloomington Urban Enterprise Zone Incentives (2009-2011)
  • Louisiana: Gulf Opportunity Zone Program (2006-2011)
  • Maryland: Baltimore Development Corporation Brownfields Program (2012)
  • Maryland: Baltimore Development Corporation Business Assistance Programs (2005-2010)
  • Maryland: Baltimore Development Corporation Loan Program (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Maryland: Baltimore Development Corporation PILOTs (2003-Oct 2012)
  • Maryland: Baltimore Development Corporation TIF Projects (2003-Oct 2012)
  • Maryland: Baltimore Enterprise Zones (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Michigan: Grand Rapids Brownfield Redevelopment Program (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Michigan: Grand Rapids Industrial Facilities Property Tax Exemptions (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Michigan: Grand Rapids New Personal Property Exemptions (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Michigan: Grand Rapids Obsolete Property Rehabilitation Act Exemptions (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Michigan: Grand Rapids Renaissance Zone Extensions (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Michigan: Grand Rapids Tool & Die Renaissance Zones (2005-Oct 2012)
  • Missouri: Kansas City Enhanced Enterprise Zone Local Property Tax Abatement (2009-Aug 2012)
  • Missouri: Kansas City LCRA Property Tax Abatement (2009-Aug 2012)
  • New Mexico: Albuquerque Industrial Revenue Bonds (2008-Aug 2012)
  • Ohio: Columbus Downtown Office Incentive (2009-2011)
  • Ohio: Columbus Enterprise Zone (2009-2011)
  • Ohio: Columbus Jobs Growth Incentive (2009-2011)
  • Wisconsin: Janesville Development Opportunity Zone Tax Credits (2009-Oct 2012)
  • Wisconsin: Janesville TIF Forgivable Loans (2009-Oct 2012)

Lessons from Katrina in Dealing with Sandy

November 12, 2012

The many billions of dollars needed to repair the devastation caused by Hurricane Sandy in the New York metropolitan area will come from many sources.

Among those will likely be new tax-exempt private-activity bonds authorized by the federal government. Such bonds provide low-cost financing because the interest they pay is exempt from federal, state and local income taxes.

Already, the Council of Development Finance Agencies has issued a call for the creation of Hurricane Sandy Recovery Bonds.

Such an initiative would, as CDFA acknowledges, be patterned on the Gulf Opportunity Zone Bonds enacted by Congress in 2005 to help the economies of Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama recover from Hurricane Katrina. The three states were given a total of $14.9 billion in GO Zone bond allocations.

So how did GO Zone bonds work out for the Gulf states?

Not very well. Soon after the GO Zone process began, Good Jobs First published a report commissioned by Interfaith Worker Justice that warned of pitfalls in the way the program was structured. We pointed out that because Congress qualified large swaths of the three states for the financing, areas that were not hit hard by the storm would get a disproportionate share of the assistance. We also predicted that big portions of the funding would be gobbled up by large corporations.

Unfortunately, our concerns turned out to be valid. According to data we’ve just obtained from the Louisiana Bond Commission, Orleans Parish (i.e. New Orleans) used only 3.3 percent of the state’s GO Zone bond allocation, while most of the money went to parishes that are dominated economically by the petrochemical industry, both those in “Cancer Alley” between New Orleans and Baton Rouge and those in the southwestern part of the state.

The Bond Commission data also make it clear that some giant corporations did, in fact, get outsized allocations. For example:

  • Marathon Oil got $1 billion for a refinery project in St. John the Baptist Parish;
  • Nucor got $600 million for its steel operation in St. James Parish;
  • Exxon Mobil got a total of $522 million for three projects in East Baton Rouge Parish; and
  • Valero Energy got $300 million for a hydrocracker at its refinery in St. Charles Parish.

Some big companies went to the GO Zone trough multiple times. International-Matex Tank Terminals, which operates bulk liquid storage facilities, received a total of $490 million for eight different projects. Westlake Chemical Corporation, whose products include polyvinyl chloride and plastic food wrap, received a total of $439 million for six different projects.

We predict now that, absent targeting safeguards, Hurricane Sandy Recovery Bonds would follow the same pattern. They might very well go to some of the same giant petrochemical corporations that do business in Louisiana for their New Jersey facilities or to megabanks in Manhattan that may not have suffered serious storm damage—and in any case can afford to pay for their own recovery.

This can be avoided by intentionally targeting the assistance to the hardest-hit areas and to small businesses which need the most help accessing low-cost credit.

We will be monitoring these developments through our Good Jobs First affiliate Good Jobs New York, which has been the leading watchdog on the reconstruction funds that flowed into New York City in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. These funds had many of the same injustices as GO Zone bonds. Of the $8 billion in triple tax-exempt private activity bonds specially enacted by Congress for Lower Manhattan, more than 20 percent, or $1.65 billion, went to Goldman Sachs alone for its new headquarters building.

GJNY is urging that Sandy aid programs be structured intentionally so that small businesses get priority over giant ones and that accountability and sustainability principles be applied. Let’s take lessons from Katrina and 9/11 so that Sandy reconstruction money does not repeat those troubled histories.

Calling All Citizen Journalists – Let’s Investigate and Expose TIFs!

October 23, 2012

GUEST POST BY TOM TRESSER

I’m looking for citizen journalists to help investigate and expose Tax Increment Finance (TIF) district abuse in Chicago and Cook County–and then across Illinois. You probably know that TIFs are an often abused mechanism for funneling property taxes to special projects–ostensibly to fight “blight” and put development in under-served areas. In Chicago companies such as Home Depot, United Airlines, the Chicago Mercantile Exchange, Coca-Cola, UPS, Jewel-Osco, Target and Willis Insurance (who bough the Sears Tower) hav eall received tens of millions of dollars of property tax gifts via Chicago’s poorly monitored TIF program. So much for blight and the under-served getting development help!

I’m working on a new social venture enterprise, The CivicLab, to be a place for ongoing civic investigation and innovation. Our first effort is the TIF Report which is looking at the impacts of TIFs on a ward-by-ward basis in Chicago. We are developing data scrapping and visualization tools to bring the TIF story to life here. We are looking for writers, coders, web developers, app developers and graphic artists to help with this work.

This is a rough draft of the poster-size graphic our team is working on to illustrate what TIFs are and how much property tax the 12 TIFs that cover the 27th Ward on Chicago’s Near North side have diverted from local government over the past nine years. The idea is to publish this information on an easy-to-navigate web site AND distribute several thousand of these graphic posters through out the ward and meet with community groups to walk them through the information.

I came to the TIF work via my efforts to derail Chicago’s 2016 Olympic bid in 2009. As a co-organizer for No Games Chicago I was part of a group of all-volunteer concerned citizens that thoroughly debunked the hype surrounding Mayor Daley’s pet project that consumed the city for two years and which raised $90 million for marketing and expenses.

Part of the frame for pushing the bid was that the city was broke, but we sorted through local finances and came across a pot containing $1.4 billion in property taxes! These funds were found in the combined bank accounts of the city’s then 160 Tax Increment Finance districts. We had to get the separate reports of these districts and open them up, one at a time, and total the “Fund Balance” figures for each district.

No one had done that. No one (outside of City Hall) knew that these bank accounts held so much money. This was especially galling since the city was closed for three furlough days in 2009, public health clinics were closed, public schools were closed and the public transit system was placed on a budgetary “doomsday watch” twice.

We realized that the city was lying about its financial situation and making it impossible to maintain and grow essential public services – and, instead, were showering hundreds of millions of public dollars on private developers and well-known and well-off corporations. We started to really look into TIFs and other corporate give-aways.

TIFs have been around in Chicago since 1986 but they really started to take off in the early-mid-1990’s – some would say co-incidental to the rise of pin-stripe patronage in Chicago. TIFs and local government

Finance used to be covered by Jackie Leavey and the Neighborhood Capital Budget Group, but they are out of business. When 5th District Congressman Mike Quigley was a Cook County Commissioner, he was deeply involved in TIF reform efforts. The two top experts in Chicago now would have to be political reporter Ben Joravsky (see his work at http://www.chicagoreader.com/chicago/the-chicago-reader-tif-archive/Content?oid=1180567) and Prof. Rachel Weber of the University of Illinois at Chicago (Prof. Weber is on the CivicLab Advisory Council).

TIFs are coming out of the shadows and a number of civic players are angling to end them, use them or re-direct them. The Chicago Teachers Union foregrounded TIFs in their recent strike communications and pointed out that the city couldn’t be THAT strapped for cash if a TIF in the Hyde Park community was poised to shower $5.2 million on the construction of a Hyatt Hotel on property owned by the University of Chicago. Sweet Home Chicago is a coalition of social service groups seeking TIF funds for affordable housing initiatives. And the RAISE Your Hand Coalition is a city-wide group of parents of public school parents who also want money in the TIF accounts to go the Board of Education.

We see this as a national effort because TIFs are in every state but two and are subject to widespread abuse and lack of accountability. If you are interested in joining this combination of old school investigation, new school data visualization, and community organizing, please contact Tom Tresser at tom@tresser.com or 312-804-3230.

Subsidy Tracker Captures 18,000 New Listings

October 11, 2012

In the past month, the Good Jobs First Subsidy Tracker database has added more than 18,000 new listings of subsidy awards, bringing the search engine’s inventory to more than 245,000 company-specific entries from 385 programs in all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

Some of the new content comes from our effort to expand Tracker’s scope from state-level programs to those at the city and county level. This process is time-consuming, given that few localities put subsidy data online, and we must thus rely on open records request to get the information. Over the past month we have gotten replies to a dozen of those requests and uploaded the results. These include: enterprise zone data from Richmond, Virginia; municipal tax increment financing data from three cities in Maine (Portland, Bangor and Lewiston); property tax abatement data from South Bend, Indiana and San Antonio, Texas; and data on miscellaneous programs from places such as Oklahoma City and Asheville, North Carolina.

We’ve also used FOIAs to fill in some state-level programs that were previously undisclosed: Mississippi’s Major Economic Impact Act grants and the Tennessee Job Skills training cost reimbursement program.

Yet by far the largest source of new information was our painstaking update of the data disclosed by state agencies on the web. In recent weeks we have scanned more than 250 such sites covering some 300 programs and have retrieved new data for nearly half of them. (Most sites post new information annually.) Having completed this, we can now turn our full attention back to the hunt for locality data.

A complete list of the additions can be found in the Tracker update log. The full inventory of data sources is here.


Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 36 other followers