Will the Stimulus Be Frittered by Job Wars Among States?

June 30, 2009 by Greg LeRoy

In a perversion of President Obama’s intentions, there are troubling signs that the “economic war among the states” is threatening to fritter away the stimulus act.

If ever there were a time for the states to stop using taxpayer funds to chase smokestacks (and big-box retail and biotech and sports franchises and…), it would be now. Suffering their biggest budget deficits in decades, states have been slashing everything from healthcare for poor children to services for seniors.

Recovery Act dollars have staunched some of the bleeding: dozens of vital public services are being propped up by the Recovery Act’s $177 billion in fiscal relief, plus $129 billion for safety net aid and training, plus $62 billion for energy and environment, plus $48 billion on transportation, etc.)

Surely, President Obama does not intend for the states to take these funds, turn around and dole out massive giveaways to sweepstakes competitions or for job piracy. Yet despite state budget woes, companies still feel entitled to game the system, and the states are passively returning to jobs wars as usual.

Consider these familiar story lines: a company “whipsaws” states against each other for a massive subsidy package; a state reacts to “losing” a competition by announcing it is enacting costly new giveaways; a local government makes a big gaffe and asks for Recovery Act dollars for a job-consolidation deal; and a state cynically labels a giveaway to developers as the “Economic Stimulus Act of 2009.”

  • The Recovery Act includes $2.4 billion from the Department of Energy for the development of hybrid lithium-ion automotive batteries. A multi-company consortium, NAATBat, gets six states to compete for a 2,000-worker facility, and Kentucky “wins” in April with a package valued at $200 million, or $100,000 per job (before the DOE grant).
  • Michigan responds to this news the next day with $555 million worth of subsidies for several battery facilities. Soon the governor of blames his Senate for the loss of an expansion to Michigan, saying it failed to enact enough subsidies.
  • Multinational NCR (formerly National Cash Register) pits a few states against each other for its 1,250 headquarters jobs; the company has been based in Dayton, Ohio for 125 years. Georgia “wins” with a bid valued at almost $100 million; the jobs will move to the Atlanta suburb of Duluth. Ohio officials of both parties sharply criticize the move, saying NCR never gave them a serious chance for retention.
  • To qualify for Georgia’s “Mega Job Tax Credit,” NCR simultaneously announces it will consolidate more than 800 ATM manufacturing in Columbus, Georgia. The jobs will apparently come from multiple locations (perhaps including some from overseas). In a major gaffe, local officials ask for about $5 million in Recovery Act monies as they prepare a vacant plant for the deal.
  • GM (majority-owned by U.S. taxpayers and the beneficiary of almost $21 billion in TARP funds) approaches the governor of Tennessee seeking $200 million or more in “front-end money” to produce a new small car in Spring Hill, Tennessee (pitting it against Janesville, Wisconsin and Orion Township, Michigan). To his credit, Gov. Phil Bredesen complains publicly about the cost and the front-loading. (But then, the Volunteer State set a new record last year for auto assembly-plant subsidies when it awarded Volkswagen a package worth $577 million.) GM chooses Michigan.

Finally, New Jersey: a bill there would create the nation’s most radical Tax Increment Financing (TIF) law, and it was cynically named the Economic Stimulus Act of 2009. The bill, apparently headed soon to Gov. Jon Corzine’s desk, would subsidize developers by allowing the diversion of 22 different revenue sources—that is not a typo, yes 22 revenue sources. Yet the bill has no fiscal note estimating its cost, and the state does not comply with its law requiring disclosure of such giveaways. So taxpayers won’t be able to see how much money is taken away from schools and other public services.

The issue here is simple—money is fungible—so federal taxpayers have every right to question states throwing around such huge sums of it.

In most cases, the connection between Recovery Act dollars and sweepstakes subsidies is one step removed. Most states and cities got that memo long ago: use your own money when pirating jobs from one another, so that technically, legally it cannot be claimed that Uncle Sam is directly paying for interstate job piracy. And with Recovery Act dollars flowing through dozens of state agencies, direct connections are blurred.

But because money is fungible, states are more able to grant these giveaways because the Recovery Act has partially stabilized their coffers.

Cynics might say: what should we expect? Federalism means it is okay for large, footloose corporations to play states and cities like a fiddle so that small businesses and working families get stuck with higher taxes and lousier public services. (And home rule means it is okay for companies to do the same thing to cities and suburbs, fueling sprawl and stretching local tax bases so thin they become unsustainable.)

My cease-fire proposal: the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the National Governors Association should jointly announce for the next two years, as the Recovery Act plays out, a moratorium on the economic war among the states. To borrow a phrase from Seattle activists: It’s Time for More Important Things.

President Obama: don’t let your Recovery Act investments get frittered away by corrosive, zero-sum, unbridled federalism!

Enterprise Zones Have No Net Effect on Employment in California

June 24, 2009 by Leigh McIlvaine

This month, the Public Policy Institute of California released a study that describes the economic impacts of the state’s Enterprise Zone program.  Its findings:  “…the program, on average, has no effect on job or business creation.”  That’s a tough break for the California Association for Local Economic Development, whose members proposed expanding the $500 million program to help stimulate the state’s economy.  The study’s conclusions shouldn’t be a surprise, though.  Other studies around the country have found that Enterprise Zone (EZ) programs are poorly managed and often stray from their original intent to incent job and business creation in disadvantaged urban areas.  In the Chicago area, EZ tax credits have actually contributed to greater metropolitan inequality.  New York is in the process of attempting to rein in Empire Zone companies that for years have failed to meet basic program requirements.  A forthcoming Good Jobs First study shows that many companies in two of Ohio’s largest metropolitan areas simply move from zone to zone to reap the benefits of EZ subsidies.

At a time when state and local budgets are stretched to the breaking point, results-oriented economic development should be a priority.  States and cities can make every dollar count by investing in schools, fixing infrastructure, and creating quality workforces.  More tax giveaways won’t generate consumer demand for goods and services – they’ll only further damage budgets.

Praying for Yet More Guidance

June 23, 2009 by Phil Mattera

Recovery logoThe wait is over. The Office of Management and Budget has released the long-awaited new version of its reporting rules for recipients of Recovery Act funds. In addition to the 41-page memorandum, there is a 13-page list of programs covered by the rules and a 52-page supplement that describes the data model in excruciating detail. These guidance documents do not directly apply to contractors working directly with the federal government, but they do cover grant recipients (including state government agencies) and their sub-recipients and contractors.

The good news is that OMB has given greater clarity to the responsibilities of prime recipients when it comes to the flow of dollars and the creation of jobs. The primes must report detailed data on their own activities and those of their immediate sub-recipients, though they may delegate reporting to the subs. All the information will be collected through an input portal at www.federalreporting.gov and then will make its way to the Recovery.gov site that will provide for public access.

The not-so-good news is that the reporting system seems to extend only to first-level sub-recipients. That means that if a state agency (prime recipient) gives a contract to a company (sub-recipient) which then awards sub-contracts to various other firms, the data on those subcontractors might not get reported. The Coalition for An Accountable Recovery and States for a Transparent and Accountable Recovery have pushed and continue to push for full reporting all the way through the money chain down to a cutoff level of $25,000 or so. And we believe that all the employers in that chain should report directly rather than leaving it up to higher-level entities. It is encouraging that the Recovery Act data system will be set up in a way that could accommodate more comprehensive reporting.

When it comes to job reporting, the new OMB guidance seems to put all the responsibility on the prime recipient and is unclear on the extent to which the prime has to collect thorough data from all the sub-recipients. It also seems that OMB is not imposing strict rules on how employers measure the number of jobs retained as a result of stimulus funding-and is willing to let them lump together jobs created and jobs retained. It can be tricky to come up with exact measures of retained jobs, but there are risks in leaving it up to each employer to decide how to make the calculation.

There are more technical issues that the CAR coalition will comment on soon. Overall, the new OMB document is a step forward but still far from the goal of full transparency. Apparently, we need to pray for more guidance.

(crossposted on the STAR Coalition blog)

Dueling Anecdotes are No Subsitute for Real Data

June 17, 2009 by Phil Mattera

coburn coverThe stimulus anecdote war is escalating. This week Sen. Tom Coburn issued a report that is highly critical of some 100 specific Recovery Act projects around the country. The Oklahoma Republican uses these examples to bolster his argument that “Congress chose the wrong approach to stimulating the economy by spending money we don’t have on things we don’t need.”

Although Coburn claims these example were found “after a review of thousands of projects,” there is every indication that the research that went into the report consisted of little more than energetic keyword searching in media archives such as Google News to find articles about projects that could be easily mocked. For example: a tunnel under a highway designed to be used by turtles and the repaving of a backup runway at the little-used John Murtha Airport in Johnstown, Pennsylvania. This is the same superficial methodology that has long been used to ridicule projects funded by Congressional earmarks.

While members of the Obama Administration may be unhappy about Coburn’s report, they cannot legitimately complain about the way it was put together. The document seems to be meant as a rebuttal to another clip job — with an opposite message — that was issued by Vice President Joe Biden as a purported progress report on the Recovery Act.

Yet Ed DeSeve, Senior Advisor to the President for Recovery Act Implementation, fired back with a 19-page critique of Coburn’s  description of the 100 projects, claiming in most cases that the depiction was false or misleading — or that the project itself is “still under review.”

One interesting exchange concerned item number 73 on Coburn’s list: “Large federal contractors who have paid big fines for violating environmental, safety, and discrimination rules are receiving stimulus funds.” He then cites CACI International (profiled here), one of whose subsidiaries was the employer of civilian interrogators accused of involvement in torture and abuse of inmates at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq. DeSeve’s document ignores the question of CACI’s track recoprd and simply notes that it is “one of the 100 biggest federal contractors overall” and that the Forest Service stimulus contracts cited by Coburn are a tiny portion of its government business. This is apparently supposed to make any transgressions by the company irrelevant.

The cherrypicking of self-serving anecdotes from secondary sources — by either proponents or critics of the Recovery Act — is no substitute for real data. We are still waiting for the Office of Management and Budget to release its final rules on how federal agencies should collect data on Recovery Act spending and job creation. Assuming that those rules provide for thorough reporting, we can look forward to the day when debates on the effectiveness of the Act are based on a more solid foundation.

Crossposted on the STAR Coalition website blog.

Recovery Act Info Center website unveiled as part of STAR Coalition launch

May 27, 2009 by Phil Mattera

star-logoGood Jobs First has launched a new Recovery Act website as part of the creation of States for a Transparent and Accountable Recovery (STAR), a new network promoting state and local activism to ensure the $787 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) is transparent, accountable, fair and effective.

The STAR Coalition includes national organizing networks such as the Apollo Alliance, Center for Community Change, Common Cause, National People’s Action, Progressive States Network, Transportation Equity Network, Partnership for Working Families, Smart Growth America and U.S. PIRG as well as many of their state and local affiliates. The STAR Coalition collaborates with and shares members with the Coalition for an Accountable Recovery, which is working at the federal level to promote ARRA transparency and accountability.

The new STAR Coalition website includes the Recovery Act Info Center, a deep resource for activists and journalists alike.

For each state plus DC, web pages contain:

  • An evaluation of the state’s Recovery Act website, especially with regard to disclosure of contractor information.
  • Details on Recovery Act oversight policies and structures.
  • A synopsis of policy debates on ARRA issues occurring in the state.
  • Key data such as total ARRA funding the state is expected to receive.
  • Listings of watchdog organizations, their ARRA publications, and other resources.

In many states, these watchdog groups will help expand and update the state pages.

The site also includes:

  • Transparency Players: a review of ARRA transparency issues, including a rundown of players in the Administration, Congress, and non-profits shaping policy.
  • Money and Policy: a description of national ARRA funding streams-plus policy debates-in key areas such as transportation, energy, education and unemployment compensation.
  • Weblinks and Bibliography: an extensive collection of ARRA weblinks and resources, including obscure items such as unpublished Congressional Research Service reports.
  • City Websites: an overview of ARRA websites launched by the nation’s largest cities.

The STAR website will be expanded throughout 2009 and 2010 as new data becomes available from the federal government. Currently, only a handful of states have any reporting data on their recovery websites.

Southern Activists Meet on Recovery Accountability

May 4, 2009 by Phil Mattera

star-logoActivists from across the southeastern U.S. gathered in Atlanta last week to hear from national experts on the Recovery Act and to discuss plans for promoting a stimulus accountability agenda in their individual states. The regional conference was the first public event sponsored by States for a Transparent and Accountable Recovery (STAR Coalition).

Participants came from Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas and Virginia.

Among the plenary speakers were Jerome Ringo of the Apollo Alliance, Will Schroeer of Smart Growth America, Craig Jennings of OMB Watch, Rick McHugh of the National Employment Law Project, John Dawkins of the South Carolina Progressive Network, and David Blatt of the Oklahoma Policy Institute. The conference was also addressed by Georgia State Senator Nan Orrock and Georgia State Representative Stacey Abrams.

Workshops were held on topics such as Organizing Around the Recovery Act, Modernizing the Safety Net, Green Jobs, Transportation Infrastructure and Researching Contractors. The day concluded with state caucuses.

The plenary sessions were recorded by a video team, which also taped interviews with individual participants. Video excerpts from the conference and the interviews will be posted on the STAR website at a later date.

The conference was organized by Good Jobs First on behalf of the STAR Coalition, which is still in formation. The website of the Coalition, which will contain info resources on the Recovery Act, will be launched soon.

Opening Week Problems for New York Yankees Go Beyond Blowin’ in the Wind

April 24, 2009 by Bettina Damiani

accu1

There’s more going on in The Bronx at the new Yankee Stadium opening week than just the now infamous wind tunnel that’s left fans aghast. Here’s a run down of news that’s probably kept the team’s public relations staff team very busy:

 

            The City’s Economic Development Corporation released job figures for the stadium but they raised more questions than answers. For example, how many Bronx residents were hired? What are the wages and benefits? As expected, most of the new non-construction jobs are seasonal so what is the economic impact of those short-term jobs in contrast to the billion dollar subsidy price tag?

             Assembly Members Richard Brodsky and James Brennan asked the New York State Supreme Court to have the Yankees comply with a subpoena as part of the Assembly’s investigation into the $1.3 billion the team received from the New York City Industrial Development agency in tax-free financing the new stadium. It seems the subpoena is having an effect as the Yankees might have to turn over documents.

             South Bronx residents and advocates joined clamoring Yankee fans on opening day to demand officials move more quickly to replace the over 22 acres of parkland where the new stadium now sits.

             New York City Comptroller William C. Thompson, Jr. released another audit showing the Yankees owe the city $68,000 in rent. Not paying the rent is a disturbing trend for the Yankees as previous audits by Thompson show they have underestimated the rent by about $3 million since 2002.

             And finally, the already dubious economic multiplier effect of the new stadium is in serious doubt since the priciest seats are empty.  What are the restaurants, parking garages and concession stands in the stadium to do without rich fans?

Tax Expenditure Reporting – An Essential Policy Tool

April 21, 2009 by Caitlin Lacy

According to a new report by the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities, nine states are leaving lawmakers in the dark by failing to publish any sort of tax expenditure report. This group includes: Alabama, Alaska, Georgia, Indiana, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, South Dakota, and Wyoming. The report notes that even among those states that do publish tax expenditure reports, most have major gaps in information.

CBPP explains how a well designed and properly implemented tax expenditure report is an essential policy tool. It recommends that all state taxes are included, and stresses that reports should be published regularly, incorporated into the budget process, and available online. Armed with a better understanding of the true cost and effect of tax expenditures, lawmakers can make more informed spending decisions.

In Georgia, one of the nine states failing to publish a tax expenditure report, the House of Representatives is currently considering a bill that would lead to greater transparency and accountability in state tax policy. Senate Bill 206, which passed the Senate in early March, would require tax expenditure review as part of state budget reports. The Georgia Budget and Policy Institute (GBPI), a member of both the SFAI and EARN networks, supports this bill. According to GBPI Executive Director Alan Essig, “The bipartisan support for SB 206 shows that the principles of good government are held by both political parties…Although there may be honorable disagreements over policy, there is agreement that policy decisions should be made based on accurate and timely information. SB 206 gives policy makers such information.”

The Georgia Department of Audits and Accounts and the Pew Center of the States (PCS) also support SB 206. PCS, a division of the Pew Charitable Trusts, has partnered with the state of Georgia for a year-long program to strengthen government policy and performance by building a system to analyze state spending data.

Coalition Continues Push for Full Disclosure in Recovery Act

April 20, 2009 by Phil Mattera

The Coalition for an Accountable Recovery (CAR), co-chaired by OMB Watch and Good Jobs First, is continuing its effort to get the Obama Administration to adopt broad disclosure policies in connection with the $787 billion American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA). CAR has just submitted comments on the latest draft policies issued by the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) on the data collection that will take place for ARRA contracts and grants.  The data will form the foundation of the disclosure that the administration has vowed to provide through its Recovery.gov website.

recoverydotgov

CAR acknowledges that significant progress has been made in the two months since President Obama signed the law, but we argue that the proposed OMB procedures need clarification and adjustment.

One of the biggest issues is the scope of the required reporting. We recommend that OMB collect data from all entities (excluding individuals) that receive a contract or award involving ARRA funds—whether it comes directly from the federal government, from a state agency or via a subcontract or subaward from a federal or state contractor or awardee. The cutoff would be any payment of $25,000 or less. Only through such extensive reporting, we maintain, will it be possible to get a complete picture of ARRA money flows and economic impacts.

To enable this process, we argue that every recipient of ARRA funds should enroll with the federal government’s Central Contractor Registration system and be assigned a unique identification code.

Since job creation is the paramount objective of ARRA, we recommend that all recipients be required to report on the number of jobs created or saved. Since job quality is as important as job quantity, we also argue that recipients should be required to report data on average wages and health insurance coverage.

Apart from job issues, we urge OMB to ensure that agencies collect other relevant performance data on the impacts of ARRA spending.

To add an additional level of openness, we recommend that OMB require that all Recovery Act RFPs, contracts (with any necessary redactions), bids and waivers be made available to the public, including those involving contracts and grants awarded by the states.

We also ask that OMB expand the amount of data that federal agencies include in their weekly financial reports and that they provide electronic data feeds to the public.

With steps such as these, we believe, the Obama Administration can live up to its promise to provide unprecedented transparency and accountability in this massive expenditure of taxpayer funds.

Audit of DC’s CAPCO Program Reveals Few Jobs Created

April 7, 2009 by Leigh McIlvaine

auditedThe District of Columbia’s Certified Capital Companies (CAPCO) Program is under intense scrutiny following the release of a damning performance report by District Auditor Deborah K. Nichols. The audit alleges that CAPCO program expenditures of $76 million (only $22 million of which was actually invested in businesses) have resulted in the creation of just 31 jobs since its inception in 2004. Further, the audit found that the number of DC residents employed by CAPCOs actually declined by two during that period.

Nichols has recommended that the program be terminated based on the CAPCO program’s lack of effectiveness in achieving the economic development goals sought by the District and its severe deficiencies in management by the Department of Insurance, Securities and Banking (DISB). The audit found that DISB:

  • Failed to verify information presented in Qualified Business applications;
  • Failed to conduct mandated annual reviews of CAPCOs;
  • Certified businesses to participate in the program that did not meet CAPCO requirements;
  • Failed to encourage CAPCOs to invest in businesses that complied with CAPCO’s investment strategies; and
  • Failed to establish a standard to measure the economic impact of the CAPCO program.

The CAPCOs themselves allegedly engaged in a host of unsavory activities too numerous to cite here, but included are doozies such as one company investing equity in its own subsidiaries. Even if management deficiencies are disregarded, CAPCO programs nevertheless have insurmountable structural problems in the way that they incentivize (or fail to incentivize) actual economic development.

Professor Julia Sass Rubin, a community development finance expert at Rutgers University, says that CAPCO programs are “an extraordinarily expensive and inefficient way…to pursue economic development.” At a recent District of Columbia Council Committee Roundtable to explore the audit’s findings, Councilmember Michael Brown argued that there must be counterexamples to the failed CAPCO programs in many states. Rubin’s response: “There isn’t any example where it’s not inefficient.”